Policy Instrument:

Keywords: Cash Transfers; Adaptive Social Protection; Disaster Risk Reduction; Persons with Disabilities

Definition

Emergency cash transfers (CTs) are payments made to address humanitarian needs in any type of emergency, including those related to conflict, climate change and other natural disasters, economic or health crises, as well as displacement.  

They can be delivered either as a one-off payment or through regular monthly transfers. Similar to regular CTs, they can be distributed via different mechanisms or providers, such as bank accounts, post offices, money transfer services, mobile phones, or manually.  The amount of an emergency CT is usually based on the objective of the programme, local costs of living and the specific needs of the affected population.  

Emergency CTs can be used as a stand-alone intervention or can be combined with complementary interventions that improve specific outcomes in nutrition, education, and child protection (also called 'cash plus' approach) to reinforce overall wellbeing outcomes. In the context of severe food and nutrition insecurity, i.e., Integrated Food Security Phase Classification 5, where there is elevated risk for acute malnutrition, emergency CTs can be combined with interventions that improve access to nutritious foods, good nutrition practices and access to essential services, that potentially contributes to the prevention and treatment of acute and/or chronic malnutrition.  

More recently, some countries have implemented CTs that are paid prior to a predictable crisis, i.e., anticipatory action, including seasonal periods of expected drought. This helps families to protect themselves and their assets and ease financial and mental stress in the immediate aftermath.  


Rationale

Emergency cash transfers provide a rapid and flexible way to meet urgent basic needs in crisis contexts - by restoring purchasing power, they enable affected households to access food, services, and essential goods while supporting local markets and preventing negative coping strategies.


Key features

Who receives emergency CTs?

  • Emergency CTs are paid to individuals or households affected by a crisis, often prioritizing the most vulnerable populations such as young children, pregnant or lactating women, the elderly, people with disabilities, and those with specific urgent needs.

Who implements emergency CTs?

  • Emergency CTs are typically implemented by ministries of social protection and/or by national disaster management authorities and/or, in coordination with ministries of finance and other relevant ministries/authorities such as health, education, agriculture etc., as well as with local governments/authorities.  The involvement of international partners is highly dependent on the scale of needs, the extent to which the national systems were able to withstand the shock, and the maturity, including shock-responsiveness of the existing social protection system (for example, whether relevant information and payment systems required for an emergency CT are already in place).  
  • This means that in some contexts, national governments will lead the implementation without major international support. Yet, in other contexts, they are supported by international partners. An example of the latter would be: While the Government provides and manages social registry data, payment systems and social workforce staff, the international partners support in the actual delivery of the transfers and ensure grievance and redress mechanisms are in place.  
  • However, in some cases (for example, where the government is party to a conflict or humanitarian principles cannot be upheld or in a context of severely constrained national capacities), it might mean that international partners implement a humanitarian cash transfer, either leveraging only some of the features of the national system or in a parallel manner, carrying the full accountability of the programme.  

What are the different implementation modalities of an emergency CT?

The scale of needs and the maturity, including shock responsiveness of the existing social protection system determine the implementation modality of an emergency CT.  

  • For instance, where considered relevant and feasible, an existing CT programme can be adjusted to ensure an uninterrupted delivery of regular CTs or expanded vertically and horizontally. While vertical expansion refers to a temporary increase of the benefit value or duration of the programme for some or all existing recipients (also called ´top-ups´), horizontal expansion refers to temporarily including new beneficiaries from affected communities.
  • Yet, in some cases, a new emergency programme might be more appropriate to accommodate new populations and needs; it can piggyback on existing systems (e.g., data, capacity, delivery mechanism), where possible.  
  • Where it is not possible or desirable to go through the national system, emergency CTs can nevertheless be aligned to create ground for future expansion or to preserve and/or further strengthen an existing social protection system. For example, objectives, targeting method, transfer value or delivery mechanism can be aligned to existing programmes. When implemented in parallel or as standalone interventions, it is possible to draw upon elements of humanitarian systems and capabilities to strengthen the national social protection system – with a view to longer term system strengthening.

What needs to be in place for adoption of an emergency CT?  

The scale of an existing social cash programme makes a crucial difference when using an existing social protection programme in response to a shock, which is often faster than setting up a completely new programme.

  • Up-to-date social registries and disaster information systems, preferably that include migrants and displaced populations, are extremely useful to know who will be in need, when, and who to pay an emergency CT to.  
  • Strong coordination mechanisms and data sharing protocols between social protection, disaster risk management and international actors, as well as all other relevant actors to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the overall response in times of crisis.  
  • Enabling policy frameworks that regulate roles and responsibilities during emergencies, including when international partners come in to align their programmes.
  • A contingency budget to ensure that the necessary financial resources are available to respond swiftly and effectively to unforeseen crises, allowing for immediate assistance to affected populations without delay. Where a contingency budget is not available or possible, it is critical to identify financial resources (both public/national and international) and how these can be channeled via government systems for a response.  
  • Social workers and other front line workers at decentralized level to identify and reach the most vulnerable individuals, provide necessary information and assist recipients in accessing additional services and resources they may need.
  • For an emergency CT to be inclusive in terms of gender and persons with disabilities and other groups of concern, requires needs-assessments, targeted outreach, accessible delivery mechanisms, robust grievance systems, as well training and sensitization for staff.  
  • In complex emergencies and fragile contexts great care must be taken to ensure interventions are “conflict sensitive” and specifically tailored to the contexts in which they are delivered to avoid exacerbating conflict or tensions.
  • More generally, it means reviewing and strengthening administrative and delivery systems to enable a) continuity of service delivery, and b) the potential for flexing and scaling up in response to shocks.

All of the above requires disaster preparedness assessments, many of which already exist

Crisis/emergency-affected households and individuals

Overview

A growing body of evidence shows that Emergency Cash Transfers (ECTs) are an effective instrument for protecting vulnerable households from the immediate and longer-term consequences of shocks and crises, including pandemics, droughts, and economic downturns.

The strongest findings come from COVID-19 responses, which produced a large volume of      analyses across countries. During this period, emergency response measures expanded at unprecedented scale: cash transfers reached about 17% of the world’s population, benefiting 1.36 billion people, through more than 800 programmes in 184 countries (Gentilini et al., 2021). This global scale-up demonstrated the capacity of social protection systems to provide support at speed and scale. 

Evidence from before the pandemic also underscores the value of ECTs as a shock-response mechanism. Temporary cash top-ups and emergency expansions of existing social protection programmes helped households cope with different types of shocks, while protecting livelihoods and productive assets. In some contexts, cash assistance also contributed to improved child nutrition outcomes, including faster weight gain and a lower risk of acute malnutrition.

The evidence indicates that emergency cash responses can be an effective tool for both immediate relief and household recovery following crises (Orkin et al., 2022). Across diverse context, this kind of programmes can help protect household welfare during crises by supporting consumption, reducing poverty risks, and strengthening resilience. While the magnitude of impacts depends on contextual and design factors, findings across countries indicate that ECTs represent a flexible and scalable tool for helping vulnerable households cope with shocks and recover more effectively (Gentilini et al., 2021).


Evidence from selected countries


Cambodia


Cambodia’s COVID-19 Cash Transfer Programme played a significant role in mitigating the socio-economic impacts of the pandemic on poor and vulnerable households. Model-based estimates suggest that, without the programme, the share of the population living below the international poverty line would have increased from approximately 10% before the pandemic to 17.3%; with the programme, the estimated rate was 12.6%, implying a mitigation of around 4.7 percentage points (De Stefani et al., 2022). According to survey data, beneficiary households were also better able to withstand income losses, experiencing an average decline of 5% compared with 15% among comparable non-beneficiary households. In addition, most transfer resources were used to purchase food and other essential items, suggesting that the programme contributed directly to sustaining consumption levels and strengthening household food security during a period of severe economic disruption (De Stefani, Laws, & Sollaci, 2022; Shrestha, Palacios, & Nishikawa Chavez, 2021).


Colombia


Evidence from Colombia’s VAT Compensation Programme during the COVID-19 pandemic shows that even relatively modest emergency cash transfers can help protect household well-being during crises. The programme reduced the use of negative coping strategies, such as selling assets, improved households’ financial security, and increased access to food. While impacts on broader food security indicators were not statistically significant, the findings suggest that emergency cash assistance can play an important role in stabilizing consumption and strengthening households’ capacity to manage economic shocks (Londoño-Vélez & Querubín, 2022).


Brazil


Evidence from Brazil shows that Auxílio Emergencial played a critical role in mitigating the socioeconomic impacts of the COVID-19 crisis. By compensating for a large share of income losses among poorer households, the programme substantially reduced poverty and severe food insecurity during the peak of the pandemic. Studies estimate that poverty rate declined from 12% in 2019 to 7% and 9% during the first months of the pandemic, while extreme poverty fell from around 3% to approximately 1% (Menezes-Filho et al., 2021; World Bank, 2021). These findings highlight the effectiveness of large-scale emergency cash transfers in protecting consumption and safeguarding vulnerable households during periods of acute economic shock.


Niger


Evidence from two evaluations of emergency cash transfer interventions during food and nutrition crises in Niger indicates that cash assistance can play a significant role in protecting child nutrition and household food consumption. Beneficiary households reported improvements in dietary intake, including higher meal frequency, greater dietary diversity, and increased consumption of nutrient-rich foods such as animal-source products and legumes. These improvements translated into measurable gains in child nutritional status. Children in households receiving cash transfers recorded 1.82 times greater improvements in weight-for-height z-scores (WHZ) than children in comparison households and were 96% less likely to develop acute malnutrition by the end of the intervention. In practical terms, the likelihood of acute malnutrition was estimated to be 25 times higher among children in comparison households than among those benefiting from cash transfers. Taken together, the findings suggest that emergency cash transfers can help safeguard child nutrition and strengthen household resilience during periods of acute food insecurity, particularly when transfers are sufficiently large and complemented by nutrition-related support (Fenn et al. 2015; Bliss et al. 2018).


References

Bliss, J., Golden, K., Bourahla, L., Stoltzfus, R., & Pelletier, D. (2018). An emergency cash transfer program promotes weight gain and reduces acute malnutrition risk among children 6-24 months old during a food crisis in Niger. Journal of Global Health, 8(1), 010410. https://doi.org/10.7189/jogh.08.010410

De Stefani, A., Laws, A., & Sollaci, A. (2022). Household vulnerability to income shocks in emerging and developing Asia: The case of Cambodia, Nepal and Vietnam (IMF Working Paper No. WP/22/64). International Monetary Fund. https://doi.org/10.5089/9798400205538.001

Fenn, B., Noura, G., Sibson, V., Dolan, C., & Shoham, J. (2015). The role of unconditional cash transfers during a nutritional emergency in Maradi region, Niger: A pre-post intervention observational study. Public Health Nutrition, 18(2), 343-351. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1368980014000516

Gentilini, U. (2022). Cash transfers in pandemic times: Evidence, practices, and implications from the largest scale up in history. World Bank. https://hdl.handle.net/10986/37700

Londoño-Vélez, J., & Querubín, P. (2022). The impact of emergency cash assistance in a pandemic: Experimental evidence from Colombia. Review of Economics and Statistics, 104(1), 157-165. https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_01043   

Menezes-Filho, N. A., Komatsu, B. K., & Rosa, J. P. (2021). Reducing poverty and inequality during the coronavirus outbreak: The Emergency Aid Transfers in Brazil (Policy Paper No. 54). Insper Centro de Gestão e Políticas Públicas. https://repositorio.insper.edu.br/entities/publication/7e5845ac-3721-455e-b2d6-a7463452a239/full

Orkin, K., Garlick, R., Rodriguez Hurtado, I., Grabowska, M., Kreft, B., & Cahill, A. (2022). International evidence to inform decision making on implementing urgent response social protection measures. Psychology, Health & Medicine, 27(sup1), 219–238. https://doi.org/10.1080/13548506.2022.2108088

Shrestha, M., Palacios, R., & Nishikawa Chavez, K. V. (2021). An assessment of Cambodia’s cash transfer program for the poor and vulnerable households during COVID-19. World Bank. https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/661201624622956583  

World Bank. (2021). Auxílio Emergencial: Lessons from the Brazilian experience responding to COVID-19. World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099255012142121495

Legal and policy frameworks:

  • Risk: Missing recognition of social protection as a response option;
  • Contingency measure: addition within social protection and disaster risk management policies and frameworks for ECTs and the role of social protection.  


Contingency plans:

  • Risk: Lack of clarity on roles and responsibilities can make the implementation of an emergency CT difficult, especially when several actors are involved;
  • Contingency Measure: Establish clear and robust plans that clarify accountabilities  .


Data management, protection and sharing (across sectors and actors):

  • Risk: missing, incomplete or modified data can delay assistance;
  • Contingency Measure: implement data sharing agreements across sectors and actors, while ensuring strict data protection measures to safeguard personal information.


Funding  

  • Risk: Insufficient or not available funding for emergency measures;
  • Contingency Measure: Identify and Secure funding sources and diversify funding streams.


Targeting

  • Risk: Inclusion/exclusion errors, including existing social protection recipients who may be seen as “double dipping”;
  • Contingency Measure: Adopt a no-regrets approach prioritizing speed over accuracy, with a higher tolerance for inclusion errors. Clarify that the objective of the emergency CT is different from regular programmes.


Capacities on the ground:

  • Risk: Insufficient local capacity, especially social workforce, can slow down implementation;
  • Contingency Measure: Strengthen local capacities, including the social service workforce.


Communications, complaints and redress mechanisms and M&E:

  • Risk: Poor communication, limited complaints and redress mechanisms and M&E can reduce transparency and effectiveness, and accountability to the affected population;
  • Contingency Measure: Implement robust communication, complaints and redress/ grievance mechanisms and M&E systems for accountability.


Risks for populations

  • Risk: In complex emergencies and fragile contexts, transferring cash or in-kind transfers to affected populations may inadvertently raise risks to those receiving assistance or to the fragile political and security dynamics;
  • Contingency Measure: Interventions must be based on solid context analysis to anticipate and mitigate such “protection” and “conflict sensitivity” risks.
a) support the expansion of coverage of those either experiencing poverty or vulnerable to it in national social protection systems and addressing risks and contingencies throughout their lifecycle (SDG target 1.3), therefore, contributing to the progressive realization of the right to social security, b) contribute to the realization of the right to adequate food in the context of national food security in order to achieve a world free from hunger (SDG targets 2.1 and 2.3), and h) reduce the exposure and vulnerability and increase the resilience of poor and vulnerable populations to climate related-extreme events and social, economic, and environmental shocks and disasters, as well as their capacity to properly respond to these shocks, when they occur (SDG targets 1.5 and 2.4)

SDG 3 - Good health and well-being

  • Target 3.1 - Maternal mortality: By 2030, reduce the global maternal mortality ratio to less than 70 per 100,000 live births.
  • Target 3.2 - Neonatal and child mortality: By 2030, end preventable deaths of newborns and children under 5 years of age, with all countries aiming to reduce neonatal mortality to at least as low as 12 per 1,000 live births and under-5 mortality to at least as low as 25 per 1,000 live births

SDG 5 - Gender Equality

  • Target 5.2 - Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation.
  • Target 5.4 - Recognize and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure and social protection policies and the promotion of shared responsibility within the household and the family as nationally appropriate.

SDG 10 - Reduced Inequalities

  • Target 10.2 - By 2030, empower and promote the social, economic and political inclusion of all, irrespective of age, sex, disability, race, ethnicity, origin, religion or economic or other status.

SDG 13 - Climate action

  • Target 13.1 - Strengthen resilience and adaptive capacity to climate-related hazards and natural disasters in all countries

SDG 16 - Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions

  • Target 16.1 - Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere.
  • Target 16.2 - End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against and torture of children.
  • Target 16.6 - Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels.
  • Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030: Emergency CTs provide financial resources that support disaster risk reduction, and strengthening disaster risk governance, resilience, and preparedness efforts. The Sendai framework also clearly positions DRR within the SDGs.  

Country examples