The Bolsa Família program is a conditional cash transfer that pays monthly cash benefits to poor families and has education and health conditionalities. The program has three main objectives: - combat hunger, through direct transfer of income to beneficiary families; II - contribute to interrupting the cycle of reproduction of poverty between generations; and III - promote the development and social protection of families, especially children, adolescents and young people in situations of poverty (BRASIL, 2023).

  • Payment made preferentially to women;
  • Benefit varying with family composition with additional benefits per children;
  • “Active Search” for potential beneficiaries to reduce exclusion errors;
  • Priority access to the benefit for indigenous populations, quilombolas (former slave communities), people rescued from work in situation analogous to slavery, recyclable material collectors and family with members in child labor situations;
  • Special module for traditional and specific populations on the single registry to capture the needs of specific populations, besides the five groups with priority access, the special module includes the homeless, family farmers, artisanal fishers, imprisoned persons, people displaced by infrastructure investment (e.g. dams); gypsies, etc.
  • Distinct set of rules to enroll indigenous peoples respecting ethnic characteristics.

Number of beneficiary families:

  • 19.8 million households (54 million people) – around 26.3% of the Brazilian population (May 2026)

Coverage rate (total number of families served compared to the program's estimated service):

  • 155% (05/2023 - Percentage of coverage of PBF families based on the poor population estimate from the 2010 IBGE Census)

Total PBF budget in 2025:

  • BRL 158,218,126,370.98 (around USD 31.074.957.684,39)

Budget allocated for benefit payments in 2025:

  • BRL 158,185,670,561.98 (around USD 31.067.966.251,14)

Average amount received per household per month in 2025:

  • Between BRL 666 (around USD 130) and BRL 691 (around USD 135) per month

Summary: Multi-level governance involving national government (budget, guidance, policies), state/province (health and education follow-up, services) and local level governments (registering, visiting families, care and social assistance, ancillary services). Oversight mechanisms through local social councils.


Governance description:

The Bolsa Familia is a family-based, means-tested, conditional cash transfer program. It has a multilevel governance that is based on the Unique System of Social Assistance (SUAS), which integrates and organizes municipal, state, and national governments for the social services provision.

At local level, the municipalities manage the Reference Centers for Social Assistance ([[Brazil:Social Assistance Reference Center (CRAS) - PAIF (Protection and Integral Support Service for the Family)|CRAS]]), which are the places where families may go to register themselves into the [[Brazil:Single Registry|Single Registry]], an information base that keeps track of vulnerable families that fall under half a minimum wage of per capita income. Families have to go to a CRAS to apply for Bolsa Familia through Single Registry.

After registering itself, a family may have to wait for the approval of their compliance with the program’s conditions, which is in charge of the National Government and, more specifically, of the Ministry of Development and Social Assistance, Family and Fight Against Hunger (MDS). MDS cross checks data about income sources, family composition and regular documentation, as well as verifies children’s enrolment and attendance to schools – which is an information received from municipal and state education departments – and children’s regular vaccination and checkup of nutritional status – which is reported by municipal and state health departments that are nationally organized under the Unified Health System (SUS). Lastly, pregnant women must be compliant with the pre-natal exams schedule.

If the family is actually classified as eligible to receive Bolsa Familia transfers, it is either included as a beneficiary or still has to wait in the program’s queue. The overall number of effectively beneficiary families is determined by the annual federal budget, but has also local quotas. Each municipality receives a share of the national total of slots based on local poverty estimates by the National Statistical Office of Brazil (IBGE). These are not strict quotas, but define the allocation of new available slots across municipalities. Government revises the municipal quotas every three years. Moreover, every month the program’s system managed by MDS automatically identifies families to be included or excluded of the beneficiary list according to data updates.

Finally, social assistance councils oversee social control and participation mechanisms at the local level.

Bolsa Família e Cadastro Único no Seu Município - portal with information necessary to verify the management of the Bolsa Família Program and the Single Registry in all municipalities;

Vis Data - management and visualization system for the various programs, actions and services, such as the Bolsa Família Program;

Cecad - Consultation, Selection and Extraction of Information from the Single Registry. This tool allows you to know the socioeconomic characteristics of families and people included in the Single Registry (domicile, age group, work, income, etc.) as well as knowing which families are beneficiaries of the Bolsa Família Program;

Sistema PBF na Saúde (Health) - Ministry of Health platform to access documents and reports monitoring the Bolsa Família's conditionalities;

Sistema Presença (Education) - system developed by the Ministry of Education with the aim of monitoring and monitoring the school attendance of students beneficiaries of the Bolsa Família Program.

The Bolsa Familia programme has a proven record of positive impacts on reducing poverty, increasing school attendance and access to health care primary services, reducing child mortality; increasing access to food, with improvement in the nutritional status of beneficiary families; higher school attendance and reduced dropout, contributing to women’s empowerment (prioritized as family responsible), leading to positive impact on local economies, including increase in overall formalization, and negligible impacts on labour force participation and informality, if any. Excellent relative targeting performance when compared to similar programmes that do not use self-report income to select beneficiaries. Below one can find One Pagers, Policy briefs and papers that summarize Bolsa Familia impact on different dimensions and outcomes of interest. It includes the research of national and international academics and institutions, including the World Bank, IFPRI and Ipea:

Impact on Poverty and Inequality

The effects of Brazil’s Bolsa Família programme onpoverty and inequality: an assessment of the first 15 years (de Souza et al., 2019)

Drawing on National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) data spanning 2001 to 2017, this study demonstrates that Bolsa Família exerts significant effects on poverty and inequality, driven primarily by its highly effective targeting of the most vulnerable populations. During the later years of the analysis, the programme’s coverage among the poorest 20% of the population reached 60%. It also increased its progressivity over time, with approximately 70% of its total resources successfully reaching this bottom quintile. The authors estimate that the programme reduces extreme poverty rates by 1.0 to 1.5 percentage points, translating to lifting 3.4 million people out of extreme poverty and an additional 3.2 million out of standard poverty in 2017 alone. Applying dynamic decomposition to disaggregate Bolsa Família’s contribution to poverty and inequality reduction from other drivers, the authors found that the programme was responsible for nearly 10% of the total Gini reduction between 2001 and 2015 (rising to almost 17% in the early period from 2001 to 2006), despite representing less than 0.7% of total household income in PNAD. The authors conclude that the programme's expansion and consolidation did not compromise its targeting efficiency or diminish its central role in combating national poverty.

Health and Nutrition

Cash Transfers and Productive Inclusion: Evidence from Bolsa Família (Best et al., 2026)

Using a difference-in-differences design with over one billion person-year observations from linked administrative registers, this study exploits the 2012 Bolsa Família guaranteed-income reform to find that the expansion diminished hospitalization by 8% and raised employment by 4.8% (and formal employment by 14%). Additionally, it reduced annual household mortality by approximately 14% (saving an estimated 1,000 lives nationwide) and produced a 38% decline in sub-nutrition hospital admissions. A welfare analysis finds an infinite Marginal Value of Public Funds (defined as the ratio of the willingness to pay of affected households to the net fiscal cost to the government) once health improvements are incorporated in the analysis because reductions in public health expenditure more than offsets the direct cost of the transfer expansion. The authors attribute these results to a productive inclusion mechanism: transfers relax binding subsistence and health constraints that suppress effective productivity among the extreme poor, enabling greater labour market participation, a finding that reconciles positive employment effects in low-income settings with the disincentive effects observed in wealthier countries.

Long-term Impact of Bolsa Família Programme on the Maternal Mortality Ratio in Brazil (Rasella et al., 2021)

This longitudinal fixed-effects study covering 2,548 municipalities (2004–2014) evaluates the relationship between the duration of Bolsa Família coverage, benefit levels, and maternal mortality. The findings demonstrate that the programme is significantly associated with reductions in maternal mortality, with impacts scaling in proportion to both coverage levels and years of implementation. Notably, these long-term effects are most pronounced among young, low-income mothers who received benefits during childhood and adolescence. This points to a clear intergenerational pathway, wherein early-life exposure to the programme yields protective maternal health benefits later in life. Furthermore, the study identifies key underlying mechanisms driving these improved health outcomes. Specifically, programme participation is linked to a reduction in the proportion of pregnant women receiving zero prenatal visits, an increase in hospital deliveries, and lower case-fatality rates for delivery-related complications.

Combined effects of conditional cash transfer program and environmental health interventions on diarrhea and malnutrition morbidity in children less than five years of age in Brazil, 2006–2016 (Souza et al., 2021)

Using a municipal-level database of 3,467 Brazilian municipalities (2006–2016) and fixed-effects Negative Binomial models, this study estimates the independent and combined effects of Bolsa Família and environmental health interventions (improvement of access to water, sanitation and solid waste collection) on under-five morbidity. Over the analysis, the authors noted that the average municipal morbidity rates fell by 38.46% for malnutrition and 51.4% for diarrhoea over the period of analysis. Intuitively, health interventions were directly associated with a decrease in morbidity rates, whereas the Bolsa Família higher PBF coverage and higher water access were associated with an increase in average morbidity rates. The authors attribute this pattern to the fact that the programme is targeted at the poorest municipalities, which tend to have the highest baseline disease burdens. Crucially, the analysis demonstrates that while combining comprehensive environmental infrastructure (such as water alongside sanitation) significantly decreases morbidity, cash transfers paired with only a single environmental intervention offer limited additional protection. The authors conclude that Bolsa Família’s health conditionalities improve access to care but cannot substitute for basic sanitation

The Brazilian cash transfer program (Bolsa Família): A tool for reducing inequalities and achieving social rights in Brazil (Neves et al., 2020)

This comprehensive literature review synthesises findings from 57 articles (published between 2003 and 2020) to evaluate the impacts of Bolsa Família across four thematic areas: poverty and inequality, health, food and nutrition, and education. The evidence establishes a strong consensus that the programme significantly improves the country's socioeconomic indicators. However, the authors note that sustained reductions in poverty and inequality require multiple government actions beyond cash transfers alone. In terms of health, the programme is robustly associated with lower child mortality due to its health conditionalities, alongside consistent reductions in suicide, leprosy, and tuberculosis rates. Crucially, the strongest health gains occur when the programme is integrated with the Family Health Strategy, underscoring that cash alone cannot overcome health inequities without improvements in Primary Health Care. Findings on nutrition and education reveal similar limitations. While the programme increases families’ food purchasing power, the impact on diet quality is mixed: some studies report increased consumption of fresh produce, while others find the extra income is spent on ultra-processed foods, meaning the programme alone does not necessarily improve nutritional quality status. Finally, while Bolsa Família successfully increases school enrolment, attendance, and total school hours (with particularly strong effects for girls), the evidence indicates that simply keeping children in school does not automatically translate into improved academic grades or a reduction in child labour.

The Impact of Brazil’s Bolsa Família Conditional Cash Transfer Programme on Children’s Health Care Utilization and Health Outcomes (Shei et al., 2014)

Based on household surveys conducted in 2010 with 567 families (with 1,266 children) from a slum community in the city of Salvador, Brazil, this study used logistic and linear regression models and propensity score matching to estimate Bolsa Família’s effects on children’s health care utilisation and health outcomes. The analysis found that the programme participation significantly increases the odds of children’s use of preventive health care services (vaccination visits, nutritional monitoring, and growth check-ups), with positive spillover effects on older siblings aged 7–17 not required to meet the health conditionalities. Beneficiary children (between 7 and 17years) also show improvements in psychosocial health outcomes, reporting better satisfaction with social relationships and more age-appropriate behaviour. No significant effects were found on illness rates or physical health outcomes, but that may be due to the small sample size for such groups.

Brazil’s Conditional Cash Transfer Programme Associated with Declines in Infant Mortality (Shei, 2013)

Using municipal-level data from the Brazilian Unified Health System (DATASUS), the Ministry of Social Development, and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), this study employed a fixed-effects panel regression to estimate the association between Bolsa Família coverage and infant and child mortality. The analysis found that the average treatment effect of the programme was a 9.3% decline in overall infant mortality and a 24.3% decline in the post-neonatal mortality rate. Additional analyses indicated that these reductions were more pronounced in municipalities with higher baseline mortality rates, suggesting the programme actively reduces spatial inequalities in infant health. Furthermore, the largest mortality gains were observed in municipalities with high coverage of the Family Health Programme, highlighting the critical role of complementary public health infrastructure in ensuring Bolsa Família’s success. Finally, the programme showed no significant association with neonatal mortality.

The Combined Effects of the Health and Poverty Programmes on Infant Mortality in Brazil (Guanais, 2013)

Using panel data from 4,583 Brazilian municipalities between 1998 and 2010, this study employed a fixed-effects regression to examine the combined impact of primary care access via the Family Health Programme (FHP) and conditional cash transfers via Bolsa Família Programme (BFP) on post-neonatal infant mortality. The analysis identified that each programme independently produced significant mortality reductions. Crucially, reduction of mortality depended on both programmes, as the association between FHP coverage and post-neonatal infant mortality was weaker in municipalities with lower BFP coverage. The study concludes that conditional cash transfers (demand-side intervention) helped low-income families overcome financial barriers to accessing primary care (supply-side intervention). Ultimately, for impoverished populations, combining supply- and demand-side policies is necessary to achieve optimal health outcomes.

Effect of a conditional cash transfer programme on childhood mortality: a nationwide analysis of Brazilian municipalities (Rasella et al., 2013)

Using a mixed ecological design covering 2,853 Brazilian municipalities from 2004 to 2009, this study employed fixed-effects regressions to assess the impact of Bolsa Família on under-5 mortality. The analysis demonstrated that under-5 mortality decreased significantly as Bolsa Família coverage expanded. Specifically, municipalities with consolidated programme coverage experienced a 17% reduction in overall under-5 mortality. Furthermore, the study highlights that the programme's protective effects were strongest against specific poverty-related causes of death, resulting in a remarkable 65% reduction in mortality attributable to malnutrition and a 53% reduction in deaths caused by diarrhoea. The findings conclude that conditional cash transfers are a highly effective mechanism for reducing early childhood mortality in middle-income countries.

Education

The Impact of the Expansion of the Programa Bolsa Família on School Attendance (Chitolina et al., 2013)

Using data from the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD), this study evaluates the impact of the 2007 expansion of the Bolsa Família programme, specifically the creation of the Benefício Variável Jovem (BVJ, Variable Benefit for Youth), on the time allocation of beneficiary households. The BVJ is a variable benefit component providing additional cash transfers to low-income families, conditional upon the school attendance of adolescents aged 16 and 17. Employing a difference-in-differences design, the analysis demonstrates that the introduction of the BVJ had a significant positive impact on education, increasing the probability of school attendance among this age group by 4 percentage points. Notably, the most pronounced positive effects were observed in the Northeast and Southeast regions, particularly among young males and the youngest children within the household.

A Substitute for Substitution: Bolsa Família’s Effects on the Combination of Work and School for Children and Adolescents Aged 10–18 (Silveira et al., 2013)

Using the 2010 Brazilian Census and multinomial logit and bivariate probit models with inverse propensity weighting and trimming techniques, this study examines how Bolsa Família has affected the allocation of time between work and school for children and adolescents. The results show that the largest difference in rates of school attendance and participation in the workforce between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries happens for the group of adolescents aged between 15 and 17 (the age group most likely to drop out of school and/or start working). Overall, beneficiaries are 5 p.p.  more likely to attend school than non-beneficiaries. Crucially, the authors found no substitution effect where schooling simply replaces labour. Instead, the programme increases both school attendance and workforce participation. In urban areas, this manifests as a significant rise in adolescents combining study and work. School attendance increases by 8 percentage points for urban girls, showing similar positive results across both the ‘studying only’ and combined work-study categories, and by 6 percentage points for urban boys. Conversely, in rural areas the programme reduces the probability of adolescents engaging exclusively in work.

The impact of the Bolsa Escola/Familia conditional cash transfer program on enrollment, dropout rates and grade promotion in Brazil (Glewwe & Kassouf, 2012)

Using school census data from 1998 to 2005, this study applies a panel data framework that includes fixed effects and time trends to estimate programme impacts on enrolment, dropout, and grade promotion. Programme participation increased school enrolment by approximately 5.5% in grades 1-4 and 6.5% in grades 5-8, reduced dropout rates, and improved grade promotion for both grade groups. These three education outcomes rose over time, peaking after 2 to 3 years, with the exception of grade improvement in grades 5-8. The evidence also points to a possible equalization of enrolment by race, as the programme is more effective at raising the enrolment of Black, mulatto, and indigenous children relative to white children. The educational conditionality effectively addresses demand-side barriers to school participation, particularly in communities where economic need would otherwise lead families to withdraw children from schooling.

Gender Empowerment

Bolsa Família and women’s autonomy: What do the qualitative studies tell us? (Bartholo, 2016)

Drawing on a synthesis of existing qualitative research, this policy brief examines how Bolsa Família influences women's autonomy within beneficiary households. The evidence demonstrates that while the programme does not entirely dismantle traditional gender roles (as it inherently reinforces the links between female identity and childcare) it nevertheless facilitates genuine gains in female autonomy. The literature documents significant advancements in women's self-perception, an increased capacity to question unwanted conjugal relationships, and greater freedom of choice. The brief argues that the regular cash transfers allow beneficiary women to look beyond immediate survival, reducing social isolation and fostering public civic participation. Paradoxically, while the programme cements maternal responsibilities, it simultaneously empowers women to view themselves as independent holders of rights and duties, enabling them to interact directly with the state without male mediation.

Bolsa Família and gender relations: national survey results (Bartholo, 2016)

This brief synthesises the main nationwide quantitative research concerning the Bolsa Família programme and gender relations, noting that existing quantitative surveys are largely restricted to analysing access to prenatal care and household decision-making. The literature review demonstrates that, particularly in urban areas, the programme is associated with increased female autonomy regarding the purchase of durable goods and children’s medicine, school attendance, and the use of contraceptives. The author emphasises that the increased probability of urban beneficiaries independently deciding on contraceptive methods suggests the programme functions as a vital instrument for realising reproductive rights. Finally, while the brief finds no significant relationship between Bolsa Família and the overall labour market participation rates of beneficiary men or women, it does identify concerning shifts in time allocation. Indications suggest that any reduction in the number of hours targeted women dedicate to productive work is offset by an increase in hours spent on domestic chores, a dynamic not observed among targeted men. The author highlights this as a negative effect on gender equity, given that formal productive work remains a fundamental driver of broader female autonomy.

The Impact of Bolsa Família on Women’s Decision-Making Power (de Brauw et al., 2013)

Drawing on longitudinal household survey data (2005 and 2009), this study applies propensity score weighting to construct a statistically balanced comparison group of non-beneficiary women, aiming to estimate the effects of the Bolsa Família programme on women’s decision-making power. The authors found that programme participation increases women’s exclusive control over contraception decisions by approximately 10 percentage points, with larger impacts on urban regions when compared to rural ones. Significant gains were also noted in women’s influence over several other areas, including children’s schooling, health expenditure, and the purchase of household durable goods. Consequently, the results indicate that, particularly in urban areas, conditional cash transfers (CCTs) directed to women can be an effective mechanism for enhancing their voice in household decisions. However, programme impacts were not significant in rural areas, suggesting that the effect of cash transfers on women's control over resources varies considerably between urban and rural contexts.

Labour Market, Local Economy, and Programme Exit

Does Local Employment Growth Accelerate Exits From Social Assistance? Evidence From Brazil’s Conditional Cash Transfer Bolsa Familia (Fietz et al., 2024)

Using survival analysis combined with a fixed-effects panel estimation (2012-2019) and a shift-share (Bartik) instrument to overcome endogeneity, this study examines whether local labour market conditions accelerate exits from Bolsa Família. Drawing on data from Brazil’s Single Registry (CadÚnico) and formal employment records from 2012 to 2019, the authors find that a 10% increase in local employment raises the probability of programme exit by 0.342 percentage points, lifting the average transition rate from 8.61% to 8.69%. Furthermore, it increases the likelihood of at least one household member securing formal employment by 0.259 percentage points. The analysis reveals that exit responsiveness to employment growth is driven primarily by households with multiple adults; single-headed households commonly face compounding constraints that limit their ability to capitalise on formal job growth. Supporting this, the survival analysis indicates that families successfully transitioning out of the programme typically reside in urban areas, have fewer children, and feature better-educated household heads. Because the benefits of local employment growth are concentrated among families facing fewer labour constraints, the study strongly advocates for complementary policies, such as targeted employment training and expanded childcare facilities.

Beneficiary Dynamics in the Bolsa Familia Conditional Cash Transfer - Capabilities, Constraints and the Local Labor Market (Morgandi et al., 2023)

Using a longitudinal fixed-effects panel dataset of approximately 105,000 households over an eight-year period, this study utilises descriptive statistical analysis and heterogeneous survival analysis to examine the determinants of beneficiary graduation from Bolsa Família. Access to formal employment is used as a key variable to predict how long a family will remain in the programme. Families with more educated adult members or prior labour market experience leave the programme significantly faster. Additionally, urban residence and having fewer dependants are associated with higher graduation probabilities. Crucially, the study concludes that local labour market formality is a significant structural determinant of exit patterns, as the increase in formal income above the threshold is the primary reason families exit the programme. In about four out of five cases, families with higher income at the time of exit derived it from employment, the remainder being pensions. Being in informal employment (or formal self-employment) at the time of entry has no significant effect on the probability of exit. Furthermore, while the effects of local employment growth are significant, they remain modest.

Cash transfer programmes can stimulate the local economy: Evidence from Brazil (Gerard et al., 2022)

Using a longitudinal administrative data covering all formal workers and Bolsa Família beneficiaries, combined with various municipal-level survey and administrative datasets, this study estimates the impacts of programme’s 2009 expansion on formal employment and local economic activity. The authors find that a 13.6% increase in total programme payments led to a 2% increase in private-sector formal employment, a 1.7% increase in municipal GDP, and a 2.7% rise in with local tax revenues within two years. The study also highlights the programme may reduce the formal labour supply among beneficiaries whose family incomes are close to the eligibility cut-off. However, the authors conclude that these dynamics co-exist, and the positive spillovers of cash transfers on the local economy dominate their potential negative impact on the formal labour supply of Bolsa Família beneficiaries.

Saída e permanência no CadÚnico: uma análise dos beneficiários de 2005 do PBF — Um estudo a partir dos registros do Cadastro Único e da Folha de Pagamentos do Programa Bolsa Família (IMDS, 2022)

This longitudinal study tracks a cohort of 11.6 million Bolsa Família dependants (aged 7 to 16 in 2005) over 14 years to assess their long-term social mobility and poverty emancipation. Using programme payroll data and the 2019 Cadastro Único, the authors evaluated the final socioeconomic status of children who grew up receiving the benefit. The analysis reveals that by 2019, 64.1% of the original cohort (approximately 7.45 million individuals) had successfully exited the registry, indicating they had achieved an income above the programme's low-income eligibility threshold. However, emancipation rates varied sharply across demographic groups. Exits were significantly higher for men (69%) than for women (55%), and white individuals graduated from the registry at a rate of 65%, notably higher than Black and Pardo individuals (54%) and Indigenous beneficiaries (46%). Exit rates also demonstrated significant regional disparities, ranging from 74% in the South to 58% in the Northeast, with state-level extremes reaching 81% in Santa Catarina and dropping to 55% in Piauí and Rio Grande do Norte.

Bolsa Família, Occupational Choice and Informality in Brazil (Barbosa and Corseuil, 2013)

Using microdata from the 2006 National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) and a fuzzy regression discontinuity design, this study examines whether Bolsa Família distorts adults' occupational choices towards informal employment in an effort to preserve programme eligibility. Across twelve distinct household samples drawn from this dataset (including specific analyses of household heads and secondary earners) the obtained estimates were statistically insignificant. Ultimately, the evidence demonstrates that the cash transfer has no impact on the occupational choices of Brazilian adults regarding formal versus informal employment.

Growth and Multiplier Effects

The Macroeconomic Effects of Cash Transfers: Evidence from Brazil (Mendes et al., 2024)

Using a large panel dataset covering 26 Brazilian states and the Federal District over 16 years (2004–2019), this study applied a Bartik-style instrumental variables approach and Two-Stage Least Squares (2SLS) regressions to evaluate the macroeconomic impact of Bolsa Família cash transfers. The analysis estimates that a state receiving an additional 1% of its GDP in programme transfers experiences a 2.2 percentage point increase in relative output growth compared to other states. This economic stimulus is shown to be highly persistent over time, mirroring the sustained nature of the programme's cash injections. Furthermore, the study identifies a local multiplier effect on employment: every additional BRL 100,000 in transfers generates approximately three formal-sector jobs and nearly nine informal-sector jobs.

Targeting

Targeting in the Bolsa Família programme from 2012 to 2018 based on data from the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (Paiva et al., 2020)

Using income data from the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (PNAD Contínua) between 2012 and 2018, this study assesses whether the accuracy of Bolsa Família's targeting mechanism maintained the high performance observed in the early 2000s despite changes in management. The results suggest that the share of beneficiaries among the poorest 10% in the country increased from 32.6% to 38.9% over the period of analysis, and the share of beneficiaries among the poorest 20% grew from 58% to 65.5%. The programme's targeting remains highly effective, with the highest benefit values accurately directed towards the poorest recipients. Additionally, the concentration coefficient of transfers improved from –0.58 to –0.64, demonstrating the programme's increasing capacity to reduce income inequality. However, despite these improvements, approximately one in five of the poorest 10% of Brazilians still faces exclusion error and does not receive transfers. Interestingly, the poorest regions (the North and Northeast) exhibit the fewest exclusion errors, challenging the assumption that wealthier states with greater administrative capacity achieve better targeting. Finally, benchmarking Bolsa Família against ASPIRE/World Bank indicators for Latin America demonstrates that the programme represents a rare case that successfully combines rigorous targeting accuracy with broad coverage.

Adequacy

Adequacy of Brazilian Social Protection Programs to the Needs of Children and Adolescents (UNICEF Brazil, 2023)

This policy brief applies a child-sensitive methodology to assess whether Brazil's principal social protection programmes adequately serve children and adolescents by examining benefit coverage, targeting, and linkages to health, education, and nutritional outcomes. The authors conclude that Brazil’s system is highly adapted for children compared to other developing regions. Specifically, both the original Bolsa Família and its current iteration (Novo Bolsa Família) fully satisfy all the authors' criteria for evaluating programme adequacy for children. The brief notes that the intermediate replacement programme, Auxílio Brasil, temporarily weakened the equity factor by operating with a fixed BRL 600 monthly floor regardless of household composition. However, the authors credit Novo Bolsa Família (introduced in March 2023) with restoring a genuinely equitable and variable structure through additional payments of BRL 150 per child under age six and BRL 50 for older children and pregnant or lactating women, notably with no per-family cap. Finally, the document highlights Bolsa Família's exceptional intersectoral capacity, praising its use of integrated information systems to track conditionalities related to school attendance, vaccinations, and perinatal care.


References:

Barbosa, A. L. N. de H., & Corseuil, C. H. L. (2013). Bolsa Família, Occupational Choice and Informality in Brazil (One Pager No. 226). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

Bartholo, L. (2016). Bolsa Família and gender relations: national survey results (Policy Research Brief No. 55). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

Bartholo, L. (2016). Bolsa Família and women’s autonomy: What do the qualitative studies tell us? (Policy Research Brief No. 57). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

Best, M. C., Lobel, F., & Pinho Neto, V. (2026). Cash Transfers and Productive Inclusion: Evidence from Bolsa Família (NBER Working Paper No. 35006). National Bureau of Economic Research.

Chitolina, L., Foguel, M. N., & Menezes-Filho, N. (2013). The Impact of the Expansion of the Programa Bolsa Família on School Attendance (One Pager No. 234). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

de Brauw, A., Gilligan, D. O., Hoddinott, J., & Roy, S. (2013). The Impact of Bolsa Família on Women’s Decision-Making Power (One Pager No. 238). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

de Souza, A. A., Mingoti, S. A., Paes-Sousa, R., & Heller, L. (2021). Combined effects of conditional cash transfer program and environmental health interventions on diarrhea and malnutrition morbidity in children less than five years of age in Brazil, 2006–2016. PLOS ONE, 16(3), e0248676.

de Souza, P. H. G. F., Osorio, R. G., Paiva, L. H., & Soares, S. (2019). The effects of Brazil’s Bolsa Família programme on poverty and inequality: an assessment of the first 15 years (One Pager No. 429). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG).

Fietz, K., Morgandi, M., Lyrio de Oliveira, G., & Superti, L. H. (2024). Does Local Employment Growth Accelerate Exits From Social Assistance? Evidence From Brazil’s Conditional Cash Transfer Bolsa Familia (Policy Research Working Paper No. 10676). World Bank.

Gerard, F., Naritomi, J., & Silva, J. (2022). Cash transfer programmes can stimulate the local economy: Evidence from Brazil. VoxDev. https://voxdev.org/topic/macroeconomics-growth/cash-transfer-programmes-can-stimulate-local-economy-evidence-brazil

Glewwe, P., & Kassouf, A. L. (2012). The impact of the Bolsa Escola/Família conditional cash transfer programme on enrollment, dropout rates and grade promotion in Brazil. Journal of Development Economics, 97(2), 505–517. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2011.05.001

Guanais, F. C. (2013). The combined effects of the health and poverty programs on infant mortality in Brazil. American Journal of Public Health, 103(11), 2000-6.

Mendes, A., Miyamoto, W., Nguyen, T. L., Pennings, S., & Feler, L. (2024). The Macroeconomic Effects of Cash Transfers: Evidence from Brazil (Working Paper No. 2024-02). Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.

Morgandi, M., Fietz, K., & Superti, L. (2023). Beneficiary Dynamics in the Bolsa Familia Conditional Cash Transfer - Capabilities, Constraints and the Local Labor Market (English). Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group.

Instituto Mobilidade e Desenvolvimento Social, Neto, V., & Machado, C. (2022). Saída e permanência no CadÚnico: uma análise dos beneficiários de 2005 do PBF. IMDS. Estudo feito em parceria com os pesquisadores Valdemar Pinho Neto e Cecilia Machado (FGV EPGE).

Neves, J. A., Guedes de Vasconcelos, F. de A., Machado, M. L., Recine, E., Silva Garcia, G., & Tavares de Medeiros, M. A. (2020). The Brazilian cash transfer program (Bolsa Família): A tool for reducing inequalities and achieving social rights in Brazil. Global Public Health, 17(1), 26-42. https://doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2020.1850828

Paiva, L. H., Souza, M., & Nunes, H. (2020). Targeting in the Bolsa Família programme from 2012 to 2018 based on data from the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (One Pager No. 436). International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth.

Rasella, D., Alves, F.J.O., Rebouças, P. et al. (2021). Long-term impact of a conditional cash transfer programme on maternal mortality: a nationwide analysis of Brazilian longitudinal data. BMC Medicine, 19, 127.

Rasella, D., Aquino, R., Santos, C. A. T., Paes-Sousa, R., & Barreto, M. L. (2013). Effect of a conditional cash transfer programme on childhood mortality: A nationwide analysis of Brazilian municipalities. The Lancet, 382(9886), 57–64.

Shei, A. (2013). Brazil’s Conditional Cash Transfer Program Associated with Declines in Infant Mortality Rates. Health Affairs, 32(7), 1274–1281.

Shei, A., Costa, F., Reis, M.G. et al. (2014). The impact of Brazil’s Bolsa Família conditional cash transfer programme on children’s health care utilization and health outcomes. BMC International Health and Human Rights, 14(10).

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UNICEF Brazil, & ABC/MRE. (2023). Adequabilidade de Programas de Proteção Social Brasileiros às Necessidades de Crianças e Adolescentes (Série Proteção Social - Policy Brief No. 3). UNICEF.

Through regular monitoring and evaluation and specific studies, the program made some adjustments to cater for the need to:

  • consider the dynamics of poverty (mobility in and out of poverty) in the its rules;
  • provide transfers values sufficient to raise the majority of beneficiary families to levels above the poverty line;
  • adequately fund and incentivize local administration responsible to collect the information that feeds the single registry;
  • regularly train all programme staff, particularly at the local level;
  • provide clear information to both staff and the target population about the programmes objectives, eligibility criteria and conditionalities;
  • protect the real transfer value from inflation, with periodic adjustments (maximum every two years);
  • implement a well-designed benefit structure and mechanisms for verification and registration review to avoid negative inducement (such as behavior leading to splitting one’s family to artificially maximize the total household transfer value and/or by omitting some family members or income in the Single Registry);
  • ensure a gradual and smooth exit mechanism when eligibility conditions are not met anymore (e.g., when an adult member find a formal job capable of bringing the per capita income of the family about the eligibility poverty line), as well as easier conditions for returning to the program, in case of a drop in family income;
  • cross-checking income and other family information across different administrative records;
  • special attention to ensure registration and payment in isolated areas (difficult access), crossing with the self-declared data in the Single Registry;
  • special attention to ensure registration and payment in isolated areas (difficult access);
  • acting through intersectoral coordination and with other levels of government.

SDG 1 - No poverty

  • Target 1.1 - By 2030, eradicate extreme poverty for all people everywhere, currently measured as people living on less than $1.25 a day.
    • Indicator 1.1.1 - Proportion of the population living below the international poverty line by sex, age, employment status and geographical location (urban/rural)
  • Target 1.2 - By 2030, reduce at least by half the proportion of men, women and children of all ages living in poverty in all its dimensions according to national definitions.
    • Indicator 1.2.1 - Proportion of population living below the national poverty line, by sex and age
    • Indicator 1.2.2 - Proportion of men, women and children of all ages living in poverty in all its dimensions according to national definitions
  • Target 1.3 - Implement nationally appropriate social protection systems and measures for all, including floors, and by 2030 achieve substantial coverage of the poor and the vulnerable.
    • Indicator 1.3.1 - Proportion of population covered by social protection floors/systems, by sex, distinguishing children, unemployed persons, older persons, persons with disabilities, pregnant women, newborns, work-injury victims and the poor and the vulnerable


SDG 2 - Zero hunger

  • Target 2.1 - By 2030, end hunger and ensure access by all people, in particular the poor and people in vulnerable situations, including infants, to safe, nutritious and sufficient food all year round.
    • Indicator 2.1.1 - Prevalence of undernourishment
    • Indicator 2.1.2 - Prevalence of moderate or severe food insecurity in the population, based on the Food Insecurity Experience Scale (FIES)
  • Target 2.2 - By 2030, end all forms of malnutrition, including achieving, by 2025, the internationally agreed targets on stunting and wasting in children under 5 years of age, and address the nutritional needs of adolescent girls, pregnant and lactating women and older persons.
    • Indicator 2.2.1 - Prevalence of stunting (height for age <-2 standard deviation from the median of the World Health Organization (WHO) Child Growth Standards) among children under 5 years of age
    • Indicator 2.2.2 - Prevalence of malnutrition (weight for height >+2 or <-2 standard deviation from the median of the WHO Child Growth Standards) among children under 5 years of age, by type (wasting and overweight)
    • Indicator 2.2.3 - Prevalence of anaemia in women aged 15 to 49 years, by pregnancy status (percentage)

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